By Tom Rockmore
This in actual fact written and obtainable paintings offers a philosopher's reaction to the sequence of occasions often called "9/11" and the worldwide tradition within the usa 'and international society' that undefined. It offers a entire research of the rising post-9/11 tradition, situating it in a large context that comes with politics, spiritual discourse, monetary thought, and philosophical orientation. ahead of and After 11th of September reconstructs the occasions that ended in and departed from the assaults on September eleven, 2001. It criticizes the makes an attempt to give an explanation for Sep 11 through George W. Bush, his administration's neo-conservatives, Samuel Huntington, and Bernard Lewis. It additionally can pay specific recognition to the significance of the commercial size within the emergence of conflicts in an age of globalization. the purpose is to supply a philosophical evaluation of Sept. 11, understood as a chain of attached occasions inside an ongoing historic context. This detailed paintings will attract an individual looking to comprehend the present global, together with the continued wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.
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Additional resources for Before and after 9/11 : a philosophical examination of globalization, terror, and history
Secular thinkers accept this idea as the cornerstone of their approach to philosophy. These differences are so profound that in an important sense secular and specifically religious thinkers, though both ostensibly concerned with philosophy, are really not engaged in the same pursuit. LEWIS’S HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF RELIGIOUS DIFFERENCE 33 Un ive rsi ty o fS tirl ing A similar difference between secular and specifically religious approaches also obtains for historians. Religious historians tend to regard history through the lens of theology.
After Daniel Bell declared the end of ideology, it became popular to decry it. Yet, depending on how the term is understood, ideology is arguably as widespread and important now as it has ever been. The increasing prevalence of large, influential special-interest groups creates pressure to make decisions on ideological grounds— or prior commitment to a particular view—rather than on the merits of the question. For example, though it seems likely many will die through the failure to make needed medical advances, it makes perfect ideological sense to impede, or even prevent, stem cell research if to permit it would alienate those committed to the right to life for the unborn, and these alienated individuals might later vote against the party in power.
Second, it enabled the US to establish a foothold in the region, which it has steadily expanded through establishing a series of bases in surrounding countries. The idea that neoconservatives should abandon caution about social engineering in actively utilizing US military power for political purposes rapidly became, and remained, one of the driving principles of Bush’s foreign policy. Neoconservatives detect a clear antecedent of this policy in an interpretation of the view of Woodrow Wilson. 25 The reference to Wilson requires some interpretation.