By Wisdom J Tettey, Korbla P Puplampu, Joshua Berman
This quantity presents a complete and built-in research of Ghanaian politics, financial system and society, outlining tensions, dilemmas and clients with which the rustic has to contend. The chapters significantly learn: the functionality and customers of democratic associations and tactics; responses to, and effect of, monetary guidelines and programmes; and the way tradition intersects with the previous advancements to form socio-economic and political associations and practices. Divided into 4 thematic sections, this assortment combines wealthy, empirical fabric with theoretical analyses and brings interdisciplinary views to endure at the concerns tested.
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Extra info for Critical Perspectives in Politics and Socio-Economic Development in Ghana
Dei places the educational system within the public sector and endorses a crucial state role in creating an educational system that can promote critical learning relevant to the needs of the wider society. Kwansah-Aidoo, in chapter ﬁfteen, explores both positive and negative features of environmental practices in Ghana and assesses the role of the mass media in promoting environmental awareness and cultural change. He notes that while the media have potentials for building environmental awareness in Ghanaian society, they have failed to set a pro-environment agenda by merely reacting to issues as deﬁned by the political leadership.
In the Western experience the professionalization of the civil service was a crucial factor in the establishment of abstract collaborative trust in state institutions and the ‘civic’ politics it makes possible. The development of career public services of disinterested competence centered on major periods of capitalist development and focused 5 This is the sphere of the “relative autonomy of the state” that is so important in recent neo-Marxist theories of the state. See the discussion in Berman, 1990: 23–34.
While production for the market increased substantially, especially for export crops like cocoa, it did so on the basis of existing property relations and forms of production, with little technical innovation and relatively limited use of migrant wage labourers, who did not form a permanent agrarian working class (Ninsin, 1991: 10–22; Asamoa, 1996: Ch. 2). In other sectors of the economy, outside of the mining sector, neither British capital nor the colonial state had any serious interest in promoting industrial investment, especially in manufacturing.